Myanmar
The situation of human rights in Myanmar has deteriorated dramatically, particularly since the military coup that displaced the democratically elected government on Feb 1, 2021. The coup was perpetrated by the same group of generals who are responsible for the atrocities committed against the Rohingya people, who have lived under systematic discrimination that amounts to apartheid for decades.[1] As ethnic cleansing against the Rohingya people continues, intense state repression has expanded to the rest of the society since 2021. Human rights defenders, lawyers, scholars, students, and journalists, particularly those speaking out about the situation of the Rohingya, religious intolerance, and violations by the military, are subjected to surveillance, and face intimidation and attacks.
Security officials have responded to dissent with a brutal crackdown and detained thousands. As of July 22, 2024, 5,414 people have been killed and 27,089 detained in the aftermath of the coup, according to the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (AAPP), an advocacy group based in neighboring Thailand. More than 2 million others have been internally displaced and 18 million are in need of humanitarian assistance the delivery of which has been blocked by the junta government according to Human Rights Watch. As part of this humanitarian crisis, the state of academic freedom has sharply deteriorated. In the “Free to Think 2023” report by Scholars At Risk, Myanmar is noted as one of the countries that experienced the biggest decline in academic freedom. On the “Academic Freedom Index” of the Varieties of Democracy Institute, Myanmar scores a 0.03 out of 1, making it the country with the third-lowest score globally after North Korea and Eritrea.
The military regime has faced strong opposition from students and educational staff since the 2021 coup. Shortly after the military intervention, a mass strike was launched by civil servants from many different sectors, including the educational sector, who refused to be a part of the military regime. As of March 2021, around 75% of the public sector educational staff participated in the strike, according to the Myanmar Teachers’ Federation.[2] Meanwhile the number of students attending state-run institutions has dropped by 70% and the number of students taking the matriculation exams necessary for higher education dropped by 80%.[3] These protests are part of the Civil Disobedience Movement, in which educational workers and students play an active role, especially in organizing protests. In order to curb student activism, the military regime has started imposing a two-year mandatory military service requirement for young adults. Service time is extended for special occupations like engineers under times of “emergency”. In order to avoid the draft, many of the young population, who are also boycotting the public education institutions controlled by the military regime have had to flee abroad or to regions under the control of opposition forces.[4]
Due to their central role in the opposition to the military regime, students, faculty and educational staff have also been subjected to direct repression. On March 2 and March 7, 2021, police and military forces violently dispersed student protestors protesting against the detention of university personnel and the occupation of university campuses by the military.[5] On November 30, 2022, the military junta sentenced seven Dagon University students who took part in anti-regime protests to death because of their alleged involvement in the killing of a state and former military official. Furthermore, on August 20, 2022, seven Yadanabon University employees were detained by the military for their alleged connection to the Civil Disobedience Movement. In total, at least 103 students and educators were given prison sentences between July 1, 2022 and June 30, 2023. 14 were sentenced to life, 58 given 10 or more years in prison, and two sentenced to prison time with hard labor.[6]
The repression of students and staff has been accompanied by a sharp increase in the number of attacks on schools and universities. According to the Global Coalition to Protect Education from Attack (GCPEA), there were a total of 445 attacks on school infrastructures from 2020 to 2024, most of which occurred after February 2021. Attacks, which included airstrikes, bombs and other explosive devices, were mostly perpetrated by the military, according to the United Nations (UN).[7] GCPEA noted a further 23 attacks on higher education institutions over the same reporting period. On April 14, 2022, three vehicles from the University of Computer Studies were attacked with explosives. Additionally, on November 3, 2022, Kachin Theological College was targeted with artillery fire from the Myanmar military, injuring 4 students and damaging buildings.[8]
One factor that has caused an increase in the number of attacks on universities has been the military use of schools and university campuses. GCPEA reported 34 instances in which schools and universities were targeted because of armed groups and military stationed in them.[9] One such attack was carried out by opposition forces on September 19, 2022, targeting military units stationed at the Technology University in Kale.[10] In the past two years, the military has used schools and universities as bases, storage facilities for weapons, detention sites, and fighting positions. The UN reported 197 separate cases of the military use of schools in 2022 and 2023.[11] Clashes between the military and non-state armed groups have occurred at Loikaw University in November 2023 and Kalay University in February 2024.[12] In one instance, there were reports of the military using school grounds to place bodies of protestors who were killed.[13] Women and girls in particular face a larger barrier to their education as families are apprehensive about sending their daughters to schools for fear of violence and sexual assault.
The Impacts of Attacks on Education and Military Use in Myanmar report has also found the long-term effects of taking over educational facilities to include presence of unexploded ordinance, making schools and universities targets of attacks, and institutional shutdowns. The junta government has also sought to intimidate overseas scholars and students. Myanmar students and scholars in Australia were told to pledge loyalty to the Myanmar junta government, not to participate in any civil disobedience movements, nor criticize the government on their social media profiles.
Endangered Scholars Worldwide (ESW) calls on the military regime to immediately cease the ongoing and persistent violation of fundamental human rights and restore democratic rule to Myanmar. Students and scholars, inside Myanmar and overseas have the right to express dissent against the military regime without fear of violence and retribution. ESW further condemns the military use of educational institutions which is a major threat to their safety and security.
(Last updated July 22, 2024)
Please send appeals to the following:
Ambassador Aung Lynn,
Embassy of Myanmar (Burma),
2300 S Street, NW, Washington DC 20008, USA
mewdcusa@gmail.com, mewdcusa@yahoo.com
(202) 332-3344, (202) 332-4350, (202) 332-4352
Kyaw Moe Tun,
Permanent Representative of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar to the United Nations,
10 E 77th St, New York, NY 10075, USA
Sources
[1]https://www.hrw.org/news/2022/08/24/myanmar-no-justice-no-freedom-rohingya-5-years
[2] http://www.europe-solidaire.org/spip.php?article58094
[3] Scholars At Risk Network. (2023). Free to Think 2023. Scholars At Risk Network. (p. 64) https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/resources/free-to-think-2023/
[4] https://www.universityworldnews.com/post.php?story=20240610083650575
[5] Education Under Attack 2024. (2024). Global Coalition to Protect Education from Attack. (p. 155) https://protectingeducation.org/wp-content/uploads/eua_2024.pdf
[6] Scholars At Risk Network. (2023). Free to Think 2023. Scholars At Risk Network. (p. 64) https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/resources/free-to-think-2023/
[7] Education Under Attack 2024. (2024). Global Coalition to Protect Education from Attack. (p. 151) https://protectingeducation.org/wp-content/uploads/eua_2024.pdf
[8] Education Under Attack 2024. (2024). Global Coalition to Protect Education from Attack. (p. 154) https://protectingeducation.org/wp-content/uploads/eua_2024.pdf
[9] Education Under Attack 2024. (2024). Global Coalition to Protect Education from Attack. (p. 153) https://protectingeducation.org/wp-content/uploads/eua_2024.pdf
[10] Scholars At Risk Network. (2023). Free to Think 2023. Scholars At Risk Network. (p. 26) https://www.scholarsatrisk.org/resources/free-to-think-2023/
[11] Education Under Attack 2022. (2022). Global Coalition to Protect Education from Attack. (p. 153) https://protectingeducation.org/wp-content/uploads/eua_2022.pdf
[12] https://www.universityworldnews.com/post.php?story=20240312120550473
[13] Education Under Attack 2022. (2022). Global Coalition to Protect Education from Attack. (p. 154) https://protectingeducation.org/wp-content/uploads/eua_2022.pdf
